With most New York Democrats endorsing their get together’s candidate for mayor, the 2 minority leaders in Congress stay holdouts.
Home minority chief Hakeem Jeffries speaks to reporters alongside different Home and Senate Appropriation Democratic committee members together with Senate minority chief Chuck Schumer within the Ohio Clock Hall of the US Capitol in July 2025 in Washington, DC.
(Anna Moneymaker / Getty Pictures)
The homestretch section of most elections marks the second when get together leaders come collectively in a present of unity to rally behind a significant get together’s nominee—a feat that even the Trump-fractured GOP of 2016 managed to drag off. So it was placing that, as The New York Times reported on Maryland Senator Chris Van Hollen’s endorsement of town’s Democratic mayoral nominee, Zohran Mamdani, the paper of file had canvassed the one outstanding Mamdani holdout, Home minority chief Hakeem Jeffries, in response. In saying his personal help for Mamdani, Van Hollen known as out New York’s “spineless” delegation in Congress that continued withholding its help for Mamdani.
So Jeffries spokesperson Justin Chermol, who little doubt rigorously vetted his feedback for placement within the Instances, chimed in with this: “Chief Hakeem Jeffries can have extra to say concerning the common election effectively prematurely of Nov. 4. In the meantime, confused New Yorkers are asking themselves the query: Chris Van Who?”
That failed zinger was doubtless supposed to name out Van Hollen’s feedback because the handiwork of a mid-Atlantic interloper, however it underscored Jeffries’s ineffectual and aloof management model—a significant legal responsibility for the Democrats because the get together prepares for its subsequent battle over a potential authorities shutdown on the finish of the month. New York Democrats, who’re strongly backing Mamdani’s candidacy, aren’t more likely to want an introduction to Van Hollen, who’s proven stronger ethical management than many nationwide Democrats have, by touring to El Salvador to go to the unjustly detained immigrant Kilmar Armando Ábrego García as he was renditioned in that nation’s brutal maximum-security CECOT prison.
On the time of Van Hollen’s go to, Jeffries publicly praised the senator, although The Bulwark reported that he additionally advised members of his caucus to “decelerate” on the “El Salvador stuff,” as one Democratic Home member put it—a cost that one other of the chief’s spokespeople denied, albeit by denouncing the report as “thinly sourced” slightly than inaccurate. In brief, Jeffries was then, as on so many different events, seeing how the political winds would possibly break previous to committing himself both means. This was an all-too-typical case research after Van Hollen stood earlier than Iowa Democratic activists on the Polk County Steak Fry urging a extra decisive and forthright agenda on a celebration that’s “too cautious, too rudderless, too connected to poll-washed, pundit-rinsed, and donor-dried messages.”
Certainly, Jeffries’s personal response to the El Salvador visits of Van Hollen and different Democratic lawmakers was the off-topic commentary that “Donald Trump has the bottom approval score of any president in trendy American historical past”—one other labored and anemic effort, apparently, to counsel that complete controversy over Ábrego García’s detention fell below the broad class of GOP-engineered “distractions” devised to direct consideration away from the second Trump administration’s political failures. That rising litany of phoned-in messaging from Democratic leaders additionally bears out Van Hollen’s criticisms of the get together, since actions like Ábrego García’s detention—and the pending authorities bid to deport him to Ghana—are very a lot the primary occasion for a White Home looking for to consolidate its grip on energy through Mob-like intimidation and authoritarian spectacle.
But this has been the fallback place of Jeffries and his Hill lieutenants all through the essential early months of the second Trump time period: dismiss or downplay the pressing calls for of the get together’s base to power open confrontations with the White Home’s unpopular strongman agenda, within the talismanic religion that polling and Trump’s personal unforced political miscalculations will roughly organically reverse the Democrats’ flailing prospects in time for the 2026 midterms. That’s why, for example, Jeffries and main Home Democrats opted for a diffident technique when Trump debuted his federal takeover of regulation enforcement in Washington, DC, denouncing the emergency justification for the administration’s actions and touting what the chief known as a “strongly worded letter” from the DC lawyer common to the White Home.
Jeffries rallied to the introduction of the White Home’s signature spending-and-immigration-crackdown invoice with a marathon speech denouncing the package deal from the Home flooring—the longest such speech within the historical past of the Home. But the disastrous measure handed on strict get together strains, thanks in no small half to the deaths of three Democratic lawmakers sworn into the 119th Congress in January. The split-screen picture of the get together’s Home chief commanding media protection through the measure’s flooring debate but missing the essential numbers to thwart its passage due to the caucus’s blind dedication to gerontocratic rule nearly sums up the plight of a risk-averse Democratic caucus dogmatically proof against new concepts and contemporary governing approaches.
The identical illness afflicts Democratic management’s woeful help for the Gaza genocide—a central issue within the get together’s declining standard fortunes, through which Jeffries has performed an outsize and indefensible function. Regardless of his latest pronouncement that the humanitarian disaster in Gaza had reached a “breaking level” below the Trump administration’s watch, Jeffries had voted in favor of laws to droop funding for the UN Aid Works for Palestinian Refugees within the Close to East (UNRWA), on the idea of unproven expenses from Israel that company workers had taken half within the October 7 bloodbath led by Hamas. As caucus chief, he’s performed nothing to advance a invoice by Democratic Consultant Andre Carson of Indiana to revive funding to UNRWA–not to mention the measure cosponsored by Representatives Rashida Tlaib of Michigan and Pamila Jayapal of Washington to embargo American arms shipments to Israel. As Spencer Ackerman writes, “These are materials and never rhetorical steps to cease the genocide and save Palestinian lives. The selection is his. The judgment is historical past’s.”
Certainly, whereas a caucus chief isn’t primarily charged with managing day-to-day legislative enterprise, Jeffries’s efforts on this entrance are notably lackluster, notably compared to the monitor file of his predecessor, California Consultant Nancy Pelosi, who navigated the difficulties of directing the caucus throughout its intervals of minority exile (certainly, the Home held majorities for simply 4 of her 16 years as chief). Jeffries is within the unlucky place of sidestepping direct and galvanizing fights with the White Home on key points comparable to Gaza, crime, and immigration, whereas failing to produce desperately wanted management and path for a celebration that’s working with out an efficient political compass at a key second of disaster in America’s unraveling democratic experiment. It was no marvel {that a} plainly exasperated Pelosi implored him, within the warmth of final spring’s authorities spending showdown to “use your power.”
That plea is gaining renewed urgency as Congress gears up for one more showdown over spending—and a potential authorities shutdown—on the finish of the month. To this point, Jeffries and Schumer are constructing a technique that seeks to restore some of the brutal cuts to the Inexpensive Care Act enacted in Trump’s spending laws. Whereas that’s an undeniably worthy objective in and of itself, it’s scarcely commensurate to the dimensions of the authoritarian putsch now effectively below means on the behest of the Trump White Home and its GOP allies in Congress.
For a celebration that’s lengthy, and correctly, denounced the specter of MAGA Caesarism and the antidemocratic governing agenda of 2025 to rely on insurance coverage subsidies to make the affirmative case earlier than the 2026 citizens is roughly akin to assembling a bucket brigade to fend off a tsunami. That’s why Charles Gaba, the main advocate for the rescue of ACA tax credit, has denounced this as a myopic, weak-sauce strategy. It’s additionally why an ideologically various set of critics from center-left wonk Josh Marshall to recovering neocon Jennifer Rubin are loudly calling for the Democratic management on the Hill to grab this second of leverage to battle again and get significant and materials concessions from the Republican opposition. So as a substitute of getting his workers taking potshots at his critics within the Senate, Jeffries could be much better served by making certain that the pending spending battle produces a legacy that his caucus members can confidently run on in 2026. If he doesn’t, voters throughout the nation might quickly be asking, “Hakeem who?”
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