June 24, 2025
A brand new documentary concerning the 1975 fiscal disaster, Drop Useless Metropolis, is entertaining to observe however dangerously deceptive as historical past—or politics.
Drop Dead City, a documentary concerning the 1975 New York fiscal disaster, is well-timed for this budget-cutting age of Trump’s One Massive Stunning Invoice and Elon Musk’s chain noticed, although much less as critique than as exculpating historical past. The decision of that disaster—deep cuts in public spending and companies—was the opening act in a world five-decade austerity marketing campaign that has but to finish. This movie, although wealthy in interviews with principals, from a colourful sanitation union man to a fiscal watchdog who says “fuck” quite a bit, and replete with evocative visuals from the Seventies—an period of comical fashions and outstanding sideburns—nonetheless comes up manner quick on the politics. You be taught little or no concerning the class struggle during which the fiscal disaster represented a vital engagement.
A doable purpose for this shortcoming may be that one of many movie’s two producer-directors is Michael Rohatyn, son of Felix, prime commander of the forces of austerity who is commonly canonized as town’s “savior.” Given his outstanding position within the disaster, Felix will get a moderately modest quantity of display time (although loads of reward from the supporting solid). It’s shocking he didn’t get extra. He doesn’t seem till practically an hour in. Michael instructed The New York Occasions, “I used to be very moved to see his appeal and his mind proper there on the floor. I feel he could be actually happy with the movie. He would possibly suppose there’s not sufficient of him in it, and he may be proper.” Filial pleasure might be an admirable factor, however a documentary is the improper place for it.
The usual story is that in the course of the fats many years of New York’s put up–World Battle II Golden Age, town acquired used to spending profligately to fund beneficiant social packages and excessive wages for unionized municipal employees—with out paying a lot consideration to the place the cash was coming from. For New York, the New Deal by no means ended. That fiscal insouciance acquired a lift from a person who personally by no means needed to fear about the place the cash was coming from: Nelson Rockefeller, who was the state’s governor from 1959 to 1973. Rocky, an old-style liberal Republican, liked spending cash, particularly on large initiatives, and was a beneficiant patron to town.
When the economic system turned bitter within the Seventies, town continued to spend, masking its increasing income shortfalls by borrowing huge quantities of cash. Revenues have been weakening due to the disappearance of lots of of hundreds of jobs, lots of them in manufacturing. (Laborious as it’s to consider right now, New York was as soon as a significant manufacturing heart.) These jobs have been disappearing on the identical time prosperous whites have been shifting to the suburbs, changed by poor, dark-skinned individuals who wanted extra social companies than these they have been changing. Massive-name companies moved their company headquarters out of town to the suburbs, an extra hit to income (and status). Worse, town didn’t know the way a lot it was spending and the way little it was taking in as a result of its accounting was a multitude. Or, as that sharp-tongued fiscal watchdog, Stephen Berger, put it, “There have been no fucking books.”
That canonical story isn’t all improper. Revenues have been collapsing, jobs have been disappearing, and solely energetic borrowing sustained excessive spending. New York, with an intensive municipal hospital system and a college that charged no tuition, was attempting to run a regime of social democracy in a single metropolis that had develop into unaffordable with out main structural transformations. And the books actually have been a multitude.
However there are additionally some issues with the usual story.
Present Situation
One is that for each borrower who will get in hassle there’s a lender who ought to have recognized higher. The bankers didn’t begin asking severe questions on New York’s rickety funds for years—they have been making an excessive amount of cash promoting town’s bonds. Whether or not it’s the New York Metropolis debt disaster, or the Latin American debt disaster that got here shortly afterward, or the European debt disaster that broke out in 2008, there have at all times been sermons concerning the accountability of the debtor. The irresponsibility of the creditor is never talked about—and, not coincidentally, the debtor finally ends up paying a lot of the prices.
After which there’s the disappearance of manufacturing facility jobs. Clearly, deindustrialization is a world story, however New York’s planning elite—large actual property along side city government planning agencies and affiliated nonprofits—made positive it began early and occurred large and quick. As Robert Fitch confirmed in his guide The Assassination of New York, and his masterful essay “Planning New York,” these planners needed the smelly factories and their disreputable employees shipped out to Jersey and changed by skyscrapers inhabited by extra respectable types like attorneys and bankers. That will elevate rents and property values, which is the main ardour of the true property sector. What is commonly offered as a power of nature, the outward motion of producing, had a heavy planning hand behind it. Additionally, Fitch argued, a lot of the lamented spending went to initiatives that actual property pursuits favored, although after all lurid tales about welfare moms achieved a lot wider circulation than that element. None of this historical past is in Drop Useless Metropolis.
There have been indicators of hassle for New York Metropolis years earlier than it went into disaster. An enormous chunk of the West Facet Freeway fell down in December 1973, and some months later Con Edison skipped a dividend for the primary time because it began paying them in 1885—an indication of town’s failing well being. Regardless of these spasms, the banks saved underwriting town’s bonds and distributing them—till that they had a sudden change of coronary heart in early 1975.
One of many metropolis’s favourite fiscal gimmicks was issuing bonds known as “tax anticipation notes.” They sound like one thing you’d subject to recover from a short lived dry patch, however they weren’t. As John Osnato, then a younger lawyer for one of many banks, recounts within the film: “I met with the assistant controller and I requested him a query which he stated nobody had ever requested earlier than and I stated, you might be issuing tax anticipation notes. What taxes do you anticipate receiving? And he truly wrote out some data for me on a yellow authorized pad and I checked out it and I stated, goodness, I don’t suppose they’ve the room to again this issuance as a result of if you happen to don’t anticipate receiving taxes since you’ve collected them already, you possibly can’t subject a tax anticipation be aware. Properly, fairly rapidly the present type of collapsed.” The banks—who had by no means requested this straightforward query earlier than, although they need to have—minimize town off, and panic ensued. If you’re as deep in debt as New York was, you want new loans simply to repay the outdated ones—after which new loans on prime of that to pay your bills. Might town pay its money owed, or wouldn’t it should default and file for chapter?
At first the state, beneath Governor Hugh Carey, mobilized to cope with the disaster. Carey put collectively the Municipal Help Company (MAC, aka Massive MAC), led by Rohatyn. The thought was that MAC would assume a few of the metropolis’s debt till issues might be labored out. Rohatyn was an funding banker at Lazard Frères well-known for giant mergers, a protégé of Andre Meyer, one of many pioneers of recent monetary engineering. From then on, the reconstruction of New York grew to become a mission run by bankers, each by way of the bond market and direct political affect. The elected authorities of New York Metropolis was fully subordinated to finance capital.
Issues had already been shifting within the political realm even earlier than the comb with chapter. Carey got here into workplace in January 1975, months earlier than town’s fiscal disaster actually hit, proclaiming “the times of wine and roses are over…we should all dwell by a rule of austerity for as far forward as we are able to see.” The nationwide atmosphere was shifting too. The 1973–75 recession was the deepest because the Nice Melancholy, and it impressed fears that the nice postwar prosperity machine had blown a gasket.
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It quickly grew to become clear that MAC couldn’t remedy town’s issues. Regardless of some layoffs and cuts in companies—modest by the requirements of what was to return—nobody needed to purchase its bonds. With out these bond proceeds, MAC couldn’t take up town’s debt. Avoiding default would require federal intervention.
Influenced by advisers Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, the Ford administration was not enthusiastic. Beneficiant, polyglot New York Metropolis was a logo of all the pieces heartland conservatives hated. In October 1975, Ford stated no within the sharpest phrases, prompting the Day by day Information’ traditional headline, “FORD TO CITY: DROP DEAD.”
Regardless of the robust discuss, Ford couldn’t maintain that intransigence. A month later, as historian Kevin Baker recounts within the movie, on the first G7 summit in Rambouillet, France, German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt instructed Ford that the greenback could be “Scheiße,” shit, if New York Metropolis defaulted. The Federal Reserve reported that many banks across the nation may take severe hits if town stopped servicing its debt. Frightened of a world monetary disaster, Washington lastly got here by way of with sufficient short-term credit score to forestall default. The second of disaster handed, however the native austerity program was solely starting.
And the consciousness it produced continues to be with us. As journalist Ross Barkan pointed out on X, commenting on the mainstream alarm provoked by the social democratic mayoral marketing campaign of Zohran Mamdani:
The craze at Zohran’s redistributionist arguments is an efficient instance of how completely the post-Seventies neoliberal paradigm nonetheless dominates NYC. Earlier than 1970, free or low cost public items have been the norm. Free CUNY, huge quantities of public and sponsored housing, low cost transit.
At the moment any concept that we deserve this stuff—not simply New Yorkers, however everybody—appears as quaint as polyester shirts and two-inch sideburns. Bernie Sanders tried to revive a few of that spirit in his presidential campaigns, but it surely was buried by his personal social gathering, together with a few of its marquee liberal names. As a kind of names, the late Consultant John Lewis, said in 2016, batting down Bernie: “There’s not something free in America…. I feel it’s very deceptive to say to the American folks, we’re going to offer you one thing free.” Lewis was one of many organizers of the 1963 March on Washington, whose agenda included an bold economic program. Rohatyn was a pioneer in making it acceptable for liberal Democrats to say issues like that.
Drop Useless Metropolis places a number of emphasis on the shifting nationwide scene. Ford’s Treasury Secretary, William Simon, was a right-wing financier who needed to place town by way of a wringer, and with it, a complete mannequin of governance. There’s a clip of Simon saying earlier than Congress, “We now have to find out whether or not the priorities, practices and procedures of the previous in all areas, welfare, housing, all help packages reminiscent of lease management.” (The assertion is lacking a conclusion within the authentic; presumably Simon meant one thing like “might be sustained.”) Politically, Ford was nervous concerning the menace on his proper coming from Ronald Reagan—additionally no buddy of town.
However the film underplays the contribution of liberals to the development of the austerity regime, beginning with Rohatyn himself (in addition to Carey, who appointed him, and lots of of his advisers). There’s a scene the place Felix professes concern concerning the human prices of default ought to issues come to that: “The social dislocation attributable to a default, the hardships to the folks of town, the doable minimize in companies. It definitely appears to be a danger that’s so massive that each effort must be made to keep away from it.”
As head of MAC, Felix would go on to engineer such dislocation himself, by way of mass layoffs and deep cuts in public companies. He had quite a bit to do with the imposition of tuition on the Metropolis College of New York, which had been free since its founding in 1847. Whereas acknowledging that the transfer would have little fiscal influence, he thought it was necessary for the “shock worth.” The purpose to be made was the Nineteen Sixties have been over. No extra wine and roses for the widespread people, although there was lots for Felix and his associates—greater than ever earlier than, actually.
Having transferred his abilities at monetary engineering to the general public sector, making a prototype for debt-driven austerity packages over the subsequent couple of many years, Felix—who had made a banking profession of placing collectively pointless conglomerates like ITT, incomes charges that have been the envy of his friends—usually took to the pages of The New York Overview of Books to criticize the monetary mania of the Eighties. His personal half on this historical past was by no means famous in his contributor bio. As Michael Thomas, the ex-banker turned author (who seems within the movie), as soon as instructed me, “Felix kilos the pulpit with one hand and endorses checks with the opposite.” I wouldn’t anticipate Felix’s son to incorporate a element like that, however that’s why he’s not the suitable individual for the job.
Sure, the nationwide political atmosphere was altering, Reagan would quickly come into workplace and greed could be pronounced good. However a bit earlier than him got here Paul Volcker on the Federal Reserve, who drove up rates of interest towards 20 p.c, created a deep recession, and smashed all notions of working-class solidarity or confidence. Volcker was a Democrat, appointed by the Democrat Jimmy Carter. Ed Koch, who was New York’s mayor from 1978 to 1989, turned the fiscal disaster austerity program into the conventional mode of city governance; he was a Democrat, too. After which, with the decrease orders absolutely suppressed, Koch acquired to preside over a wonderful bull market and the gentrification that also dominates New York actual property.
There are entertaining bits in Drop Useless Metropolis, and I, who’ve been following this story for a very long time, realized some issues, from it. However it will be horrible if the movie allowed anybody to neglect that austerity has been a bipartisan enterprise all alongside.
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