October 21, 2025
What drives Trump’s politics is nostalgia for the age of coal, when soiled gasoline and no environmental laws created his model of an amazing America.
Arguably, no know-how freed the world from the drudgery and chilly of premodern occasions greater than coal. It fueled the Industrial Revolution and rising requirements of residing that remodeled what a human life meant after 1800. The price of this freedom quickly meant slaughtered employees, rising carbon dioxide ranges, and the specter of planetary ecological disaster.
Right now, arguably no know-how dooms the world’s future greater than coal, with its environmental destruction, pumping of carbon dioxide into the air, and harmful working circumstances that also kill from work, air pollution, and local weather change. The environmental journalist Robert Wyss gives readers an often-dramatic episodic overview of coal in American historical past, the nice paradox between energy and destruction that we may escape immediately, however we select to not due to vested company pursuits and Donald Trump’s nostalgia for an America the place coal burned plentifully and white males like himself dominated the world.
An affordable, plentiful power supply that would energy factories anyplace supplied monumental monetary advantages, and coal revolutionized the worldwide economic system. Early factories relied on waterpower, clear by way of what have been then unknown carbon emissions, however restricted improvement to waterways. Coal remodeled the geography of industrialization, permitting monumental industrial operations wherever a capitalist wished to construct. It fueled metal and railroads. It heated properties—dirtily, however in a Nineteenth-century working-class house, avoiding the chilly took priority for many household over smoke. The thought of fossil fuels elevating requirements of residing powers the ideology of lots of Trump’s power advisers, who not coincidentally usually have vested monetary pursuits within the trade. They ignore or lie in regards to the large human and environmental price.
As Wyss reminds readers repeatedly, coal’s horrors confirmed up shortly. An entrepreneur may simply publish a gap within the floor and discover employees to dig out the coal. Starting shortly after 1800, mines started delivery coal to japanese cities. In an period with out laws, the place the courts persistently dominated that employers owed employees nothing in the event that they died or have been injured on the job as a result of nobody pressured them to take that specific job, it didn’t take lengthy for the employees to begin dying from cave-ins, fuel explosions, and employer indifference to their lives. Wyss juxtaposes the Centennial Exhibition held in Philadelphia in 1876 that celebrated the commercial would possibly of an America working on coal with employees going days with out seeing daylight, racial tensions within the mines as corporations used Black strikebreakers, and dying from accidents.
Unsurprisingly, employees started to prepare. The nation’s most notorious early labor group—the Molly Maguires—have been an early response to the horrible circumstances within the Pennsylvania mines that grew to become related to terrorism. Males equivalent to Andrew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick would cease at nothing to maintain their coal-fueled metal mills nonunion, and this enables Wyss to inform the story of the Pinkerton invasion at Homestead, Pennsylvania, in the course of the well-known 1892 strike at Carnegie Metal. The United Mine Employees would type in 1890 and supply a extra respectable kind of unionism. However over time, the UMWA grew to become a part of the machine preserving the nation enslaved to coal. Legendary UMWA president John L. Lewis fought like hell for his males, as Wyss explores, with consideration to the small print of office well being and security driving strikes, however he was additionally a tyrant and a person who believed himself and his union extra centrally highly effective to the American future than it turned out to be.
Coal additionally blackened the nation’s collective lungs, each contained in the mines and outdoors the place coal smoke blotted out the solar. Wyss tells the story the early twentieth century makes an attempt to scrub the nation’s filthy metropolis air of coal smoke, a course of usually led by girls who discovered political area to tackle city reforms primarily based on gendered stereotypes round motherhood, framing this by defending their youngsters from polluting trade. They struggled to achieve a world dominated by an ideology of limitless industrial progress. Lastly, within the Nineteen Seventies, environmental actions started taming coal, a narrative Wyss tells by specializing in the Navajo Producing Station in Arizona. As ever, coal divided Individuals, on this case the Navajo on whose land the facility plant resided and upon which tribal leaders relied for scarce monetary sources.
Wyss powerfully describes how coal nonetheless destroys life and landscapes immediately. He tells highly effective tales of miners dying from black lung, of mountaintop removing mining reshaping the geology of Kentucky and West Virginia, the waste flowing into the river bottoms and the devastating floods that outcome. Wyss sees coal slowly disappearing from the American panorama. The Navajo Producing Station was blown up in 2020, and the rise of dependable clear power ought to usher in the long run of coal. However will or not it’s too late for people to reverse course on local weather change?
Wyss truly skips over a lot of coal’s historical past, together with the long-lasting labor battles over management of the mines. He may have simply doubled the ebook’s size telling dramatic and sometimes violent tales. Some would have strengthened the ebook. Take the historical past of coal in Colorado. Wyss omits the Ludlow Bloodbath, the place employees in a Rockefeller-owned mine struck and the Colorado Nationwide Guard and firm guards opened hearth on the camp in 1914, killing over a dozen girls and kids tenting in a tent city. What adopted was weeks of warfare through which probably 200 individuals died and which the historian Thomas Andrews has known as the deadliest strike in American historical past in his ebook Killing for Coal. The violence led the US Fee on Industrial Relations to haul John D. Rockefeller Jr. on stand for embarrassing public testimony about his indifference to the circumstances of labor in his mines. After which when the Industrial Employees of World struck on the Columbine Mine in that state in 1927, its younger proprietor, Josephine Roche, was so horrified about circumstances within the mine she inherited from her father that she invited the United Mine Employees in to unionize her employees, later changing into a high labor official within the New Deal and eventually working the UMWA retirement fund for over 20 years. So yeah, coal’s historical past is fairly dramatic.
However I don’t blame Wyss for leaving out these tales. Coal performs such a dominant function in American historical past, so overwhelming in its damaging influence on employees and the surroundings that any creator should make onerous decisions to keep away from both a thousand-page doorstop or a boring compendium of information. As a substitute, he takes the anecdotes he chooses and writes them with nice energy and power.
Wyss wrote this ebook earlier than Donald Trump returned to the presidency, however Trump’s power coverage revolves round nostalgia for burning fossil fuels. The administration has shut down wind and photo voltaic tasks across the nation, together with the Revolution Wind improvement off the shore of Rhode Island, an 80 precent accomplished venture that had employed over 1,000 union employees. Purportedly, that is the kind of job Trump needs to see return to america. This has nice attraction in America’s coal areas. Regardless of the horrors that Wyss so precisely describes, coal supplied the most effective jobs which have ever existed these components of America.
Democrats have failed as badly as Republicans in articulating and following by on various financial fashions for coal nation, and till they step up their recreation, the Trumpist nostalgia for coal will doubtless proceed to drive politics for an enormous chunk of America, regardless of all of the horrors Wyss so powerfully describes. So, when he wonders if America will get off coal earlier than it’s too late, the reply would possibly nicely be no and for probably the most exasperating doable causes. However no matter, it’s solely the way forward for humanity and many of the planet’s species on the road right here. What’s that in comparison with some good ol’original lib-hating burning of fossil fuels?